Article Info
SAF Challenges Lifetime Felon Gun Ban
| Scope | |
|---|---|
| Jurisdiction | Federal |
| Impact | national |
| Key Entities | |
| Amicus brief filer | Second Amendment Foundation |
| Co-filer of amicus brief | National Rifle Association |
| Petitioner challenging 922(g)(1) | Joseph Frederick Johnson |
| Lower court that upheld the ban | U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit |
| Court being asked to grant certiorari | U.S. Supreme Court |
| Legal Issues | |
| |
| What It Means | |
| |
| Timeline | |
| October 1, 2026 | SAF and NRA file amicus brief urging Supreme Court review |
| Related Laws | |
SAF Challenges Lifetime Felon Gun Ban
Second Amendment Foundation tells Supreme Court that §922(g)(1) can't permanently disarm nonviolent offenders without historical backing
From The Boise Gun Club Handbook
The Second Amendment Foundation and NRA are asking the Supreme Court to take up a case that could blow a hole in the federal law banning felons from ever owning guns again.
State of play: SAF filed an amicus brief in Johnson v. United States, urging the Court to review a Tenth Circuit ruling that upheld 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(1) as applied to Joseph Frederick Johnson, a man challenging the law despite having no violent history.
- The lower court's logic: The Tenth Circuit leaned on Heller's offhand reference to felon bans as "presumptively lawful" and treated that as the end of the conversation — no as-applied challenge allowed, period.
- SAF's counter: Bruen and Rahimi require every gun regulation, including the ones Heller waved through, to be justified by actual historical tradition — not a throwaway line in a footnote.
The legal question here isn't whether government can disarm dangerous people. Everyone agrees it can. The fight is over whether "felon" is a big enough label to strip Second Amendment rights forever, even from someone who committed a nonviolent offense decades ago and has lived peaceably ever since.
SAF's brief digs into colonial and Founding-era sources to make the case that disarmament historically targeted people who posed an actual threat — wartime enemies, rebels, people with a documented history of violence. Ratifying conventions talked about disarming those "in actual rebellion" or presenting "real danger of public injury," not run-of-the-mill nonviolent offenders. Even after Shays's Rebellion, Massachusetts took guns from the rebels and gave them back within months. Militia laws of the era required able-bodied men to keep arms, full stop — no carve-out for people with old nonviolent convictions.
"Historically, we disarmed dangerous people. We did not strip the Second Amendment right from those who broke the law without violence and then went back to living as ordinary, peaceable citizens." — Kostas Moros, SAF Director of Legal Research and Education
The intrigue: This isn't SAF asking the Court to gut felon-in-possession laws wholesale. It's a narrower ask — require the government to actually prove a person is dangerous before imposing a lifetime ban, rather than assuming every felony conviction, violent or not, justifies permanent disarmament. SAF Executive Director Adam Kraut put it bluntly: "A nonviolent felony mistake should not require a lifetime ban on exercising someone's Second Amendment rights."
What to watch: The Supreme Court hasn't granted cert yet — this is a petition stage brief trying to get the Court to take the case at all. If it does, Johnson could become the next major post-Bruen test of how far "presumptively lawful" regulations really extend, with direct consequences for millions of Americans carrying old nonviolent felony convictions who currently have zero path back to legal gun ownership.
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